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Turkey has emerged stronger and the leadership of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stands taller, after the last elections held in June this year. The third-consecutive victory of Justice and Development Party (coined ‘AKP’) — amid the Arab Spring — proves to the world Turkish leaders’ political maturity, commitment to democracy, capability to govern with sustained economic development, and assertive diplomacy.

No wonder the party since its birth in 2001 has become the first in 50 years to score a hat-trick, and its electoral support jumped from 34.28 per cent in November 2002 to 46.6 per cent in 2007 to 49.91 per cent last week, winning 326 of 550 parliamentary seats.

“They cleared gangs from the state, they forced the military back into their barracks and we no longer witness any extra judicial killings, kidnappings and systematic torture; and I will vote for the AKP for the continuation of all these,” quoted Orhan Cengiz, a leading columnist, views of his sister, a staunch socialist and culturally far out-of-line with socially-conservative AKP.

This reflects how AKP has uniquely broadened its political base through its performance, not empty promises, from core support-base of urban-poor and religious-conscious to those having different cultural lifestyle and views.

Economic and political liberalisation seem to have contributed to this, and thus it is no surprise that Turkish-like, or the ‘Turkish model’ is seen with great interest on the Arab and Muslim streets.

A flashback to history reminds us that Turkey was ‘the sick man of Europe’, though, earlier, it was the symbol of Islamic glory not only in military power but in culture, education and justice as well.

Despite its aberrations, the Ottoman Empire excelled in architecture, jurisprudence, science and literature, and produced great leaders of the fame of Suleiman the Magnificent, termed so by Europeans for his bravery and wisdom.

Fast-rewinding the record shows post-World War I Turkey, the Republican Turkey of 1923, crippled with erratic economy, inflation and banking crises, military coups, and mounting economic and political crises as early as 2001 — which the then premier called ‘crisis of the Turkish state’ — required life-support from IMF.

Secularism, the state ideology since abolishing the Caliphate, has been a key variable in political structure calculus.
Turkish secularism

More French than American, Turkish secularism is more than separation of state and church: it is confinement of religious symbolism to one’s private sphere without any role in public sphere, argues Binnaz Toprak, a political scientist at Bogazici University.

Apart from this social engineering, the military establishment — together with bureaucracy and judiciary — has excluded, discriminated and even hanged certain entities from running the country based on its own unique litmus test of secularism, showing mass contempt for democracy.

Constitutionally secular, majority of Turkish people not only believe but also practise Islam, though religion is widely considered a very private affair.

Practising the virtues of Islam, these conscious citizens are moderate and progressive, and do not thrust their beliefs upon other fellow citizens.

A prominent member of Organisation of the Islamic Conference, Turkey has also been keen on joining the EU and European Economic Community for years, and has introduced compliance measures such as outlawing capital punishment, but still face stiff opposition from France and Germany.

Nine years in government have not been rosy for AKP but a bumpy road. Political farsightedness and a strong will has helped in initiating economic reforms that yielded 7 per cent real GDP annual growth between 2002 and 2007, and 8.9 per cent last year alone, which made The Economist describe Turkey as the ‘China of Europe’.

The Party crossed many other bridges too — like uplifting 80-year old ban on headscarves but only after five years in office — and faced enormous political crises since inception, including Constitutional Court trials with last one for banning AKP in 2008. Sledgehammer, an alleged military plan to overthrow AKP, was unearthed only in February last year.

AKP’s next leap forward demands new constitution by revamping 1983 military-era document, granting more democracy, enhancing rule of law and civil liberties, and most importantly, minority rights. Kurdish population, which constitutes 20 per cent of 74 million Turkish people, have long struggled for basic rights.

In addition, Turkey would need to patch up with Armenia and push forward the 2009 football diplomacy between the two presidents, and set the ball rolling on in Cyprus.

Being anti-status quo, AKP is likely to encounter resistance from the powerful military establishment, who will attempt to preserve their greater role in running the country.

Two lessons
While dust of elections settles down in Turkey, AKP’s rise has two lessons for Arab and Muslim world:
First, people praying five-times a day can be a viable alternative in a competitive political landscape, and if they adopt a pragmatic approach and set right priorities — of improving socio-economic standards of living — they will offer many freedoms to their people.

Islamic scholar Sir Muhammad Iqbal saw an Islamic state where parliament legislates and is not theocratic, working for the ultimate socio-economic prosperity with social justice for the people.

In sum, AKP governance refutes Western (and some Muslim) stereotypes that religious-minded politicians, once in power, will impose their religious order on others. They may not do so, and their performance may speak for itself.

Second, nothing counts more than economics in the 21st century and a nation’s diplomatic, military and even soft-power, are largely dependent on economic well being.

Turkey’s opposition to Iraq war despite being a Nato member, its stance against Israel after the Palestinian flotilla debacle, and support for elected Hamas government, its vote against UN sanctions on Iran last year, its calls for Hosni Mubarak to go, and presently pressing Syrian president to do serious political reforms, speak volumes of its emerging socio economic muscle as the world’s 16th largest economy.

Arab Spring has rekindled hope, and the recipe offered by the Turkish decade looks as delightful as its kebabs.

Javed Nawaz is the Chairman of Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development & Transparency (PILDAT). Salman J. Nawaz is a financial analyst. All the views and opinions expressed in the article are solely those of the authors and do not reflect those of Times of Oman.